Abortion Politics, Women's Movements, and the Democratic State: A Comparative Study of State Feminism (Gender and Politics)

Abortion Politics, Women's Movements, and the Democratic State: A Comparative Study of State Feminism (Gender and Politics)

Language: English

Pages: 344

ISBN: 0199242666

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


Containing the results of a cross-national research project on abortion politics in eleven democratic states (between the 1960s and 2000), this volume marks major progress in abortion research. It develops a comprehensive research design to examine whether or not women's policy agencies (institutional groups intended to improve the status of women) have functioned as necessary and effective allies of women's movements. It explores their efforts to gain access to power arenas and secure abortion laws that coincide with feminist goals. Indeed, these findings constitute a rigorous application of comparative methodology to assess explanations from social movement and democratic theory pertaining to variations in state feminism and movement success.

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medical treatment rather than a criminal offence. The Detiege bill was the most far-reaching proposal to date concerning the self-determination of women. In order to pool support, MPs supporting reform sided with the bill for a three-year suspension of the law put forth by MP Risopoulus, a member of the Francophone Communal Party (PDF). For the first time, success in reform of the criminal abortion law seemed possible. However, the Liberal Party was divided over strategy. Some thought that if a

lobbies and of the women's movement. The Socialist-Liberal abortion reform bill did not propose to repeal criminal abortion in the 1867 law. Instead, it set forth circumstances under which abortion would be legal: abortion during the first twelve weeks of pregnancy performed under sound medical conditions by a physician in a health care institute, with a connected information service, that supports the pregnant woman and informs her in detail, especially of the rights, social security and

mother'. She praised the coalition's 1994 bill as a 'big improvement for the woman [because] the decision about abortion lies with her alone'.14 With the abortion mandate clearly resting in the Family Ministry, however, her efforts were not as strong or visible as they had been in the early 19905 debate. When Claudia Nolte took over the Ministry in 1994, the efforts at gendering decreased. Nolte narrowly defined the problem of abortion to be GERMANY * 130 protection of fetal life and

described, giving information about its involvement in the debate and its structural and resource characteristics. Judgements were made as to whether any women's policy agencies advocated gendered frames and whether these gendered terms coincided with the frame advocated by women's movement leaders. With this information the debate was then classified according to four types of women's policy agency activities (WPAA): successful insider: both pleading the case for the women's movement and

Council positively endorse abortion. Rather, it cogently argued that women should be able to make up their own minds on the matter, thereby gendering the debate over Maastricht. Thus, as the time for the referendum approached, the National Council for the Status of Women held that it could not recommend that women support the referendum unless women could be formally included in decisions relating to EU expenditure. It also wanted a referendum that would give women a right to travel and to

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